A Pardon of a Different Kind: Dialogue between the Hermit and Anton
Not much is known about the identity of Pero Roiz Soares. In all likelihood the author wrote his memoirs—which cover the period between 1565 and 1628—under a pseudonym. This is not surprising, since the volume is highly political and does not shy away from critiquing the governing authorities of his time, including past and present kings.*
*Jorge Peixoto, “Aspectos do ‘Memorial’ (1565-1628) de Pero Roiz Soares” [Aspects of Pero Roiz Soares’s “Memorial” (1565-1628)], Revista de História 7, no. 15 (1953): 393–395.
A Pardon of a Different Kind
by Nathalie Alyon
More than a century after the 1497 forced conversion of Portuguese Jews, the true faith of the New Christians, or conversos, continued to be questioned by inquisitorial offices and the general public. Perceived as members of a specific nation (homens da nação, or “men of the nation”), they faced discriminatory measures, and accusations of heresy were not uncommon. Despite these hurdles in integrating into the Lusitanian Old Christian community, conversos managed not only to establish strong financial networks within and without the Iberian Peninsula but also to use their economic and communal networks to obtain political gains vis-à-vis the Crown.
One of the ways the converso community’s political power manifested is revealed through the various negotiations for a general pardon that their leaders conducted with the Iberian monarchies over a period of 150 years.1 Granted by the pope, general pardons aimed to erase crimes of heresy attributed to New Christians, suspending penalties imposed by the Inquisition, which at times included the freeing of prisoners, and the lifting of bans on travel or trade in exchange for large sums of money. Seen as concessions to a questionable community frequently accused of being heretical “Judaizers” and socioeconomic parvenus, such pardons were scarcely popular.
One particular general pardon—that of 1605, during the reign of Habsburg King Philip II of Portugal (Philip III of Spain)—roused significant opposition and is the topic of the following satirical poem, “Dialogue between the Hermit and Anton,” found in Memorial de Pero Roiz Soares (Memoirs of Pero Roiz Soares).2 Written in an archaic, hybrid form of Spanish and Portuguese, the dialogue provides a glimpse of the contemporary popular reactions to the pardon.
Not much is known about the identity of Pero Roiz Soares. In all likelihood the author wrote his memoirs—which cover the period between 1565 and 1628—under a pseudonym. This is not surprising, since the volume is highly political and does not shy away from critiquing the governing authorities of his time, including past and present kings.3
During the period leading up to the 1605 general pardon, the monarchy was in dire need of cash, in part to secure its trade route to India. Previous concessions to the conversos—such as the right to leave the country—had been obtained in exchange for pecuniary “services” to the Crown before King Philip II turned to Pope Clement IV to enact the pardon in 1604, despite strong opposition from Portugal’s official clergy and the general public.4 In return for amnesty from the Inquisition, the New Christians paid a sum of 1,700,000 cruzados, collected from all Portuguese conversos as a mandatory proportional tax, the finta do perdão. Different expressions of hostility broke out in Coimbra, as prisoners were freed despite violent protests and hostility.5
Attacking the converso community served as a legitimate channel through which the people of the time could voice criticism against their rulers. Even though this satirical poem might be read primarily as an attack on the New Christians, Soares’s critique barely elaborates on the crimes of those whose “clothing is Christian, but the bodies underneath are Jewish.”6 He is not interested in entering a debate on whether or not the Inquisition was acting against sincere Catholics, as the conversos claimed. Rather, evoking the archetypal image of Judas Iscariot, he focuses on the hypocrisy of the political and religious establishment in pardoning the conversos, emphasizing the corruption of those involved in the pardon negotiations—namely, King Phillip II and the Duke of Lerma, the king’s minister.
As this document also reveals, the debate over the true faith and identity of the New Christians of Portugal was as much a question of political and economic considerations as it was a question of religion.7 Questioning the logic that could render possible the idea of forgiving religious sins in exchange for temporal gifts, Soares finds it absurd that politics dictate religious doctrine.
Indeed, he finds the crimes of those Christians that grant pardon for sins not atoned even greater than those of common criminals:
There is no reason that among us
we name the worse sinner
the one who sins against man
than the one who sins against God.8
The 1605 general pardon and the reactions it instigated also reveal the political and logistical power of the New Christian leadership—an aspect often overlooked in the historiography of this group. This translation complements this issue of JLS by positing the “real” identity of the conversos as a political rather than a religious issue.
Reveling in the political nature of an ancient general pardon demands the mention of a different kind of “pardon” that is taking place with respect to the descendants of Iberian Jews today in the twenty-first century—this time, from the Iberian democratic governments as part of a conscious policy of memory reconciliation. In 2015, Spain and Portugal ratified bills to grant citizenship to the descendants of Iberian Jews who were forced to flee the peninsula centuries before. Since then, thousands of Sephardi Jews have applied for citizenship, particularly to Portugal, where the bureaucratic process is simpler than in Spain.9
While some see this move as a call for historical repentance to right an ancient wrong, others view it as a political move to attract desirable immigration and foreign capital to countries facing economic problems. The expulsion had created two sets of victims: the conversos and those who fled their homes in order to continue to be Jews. The converso leaders who negotiated for the general pardons did not and could not ask to return to Judaism; rather, they petitioned to become fully integrated into the Christian community as Portuguese Catholics and were, in a sense, “pardoned.” Many among the “men of the nation” were indeed committed Christians. For those who fled and remained Jews, a different kind of pardon has arrived five hundred years later.
Nathalie Alyon
Notes
1 Claude B. Stuczynski, “New Christian Political Leadership in Times of Crisis: The Pardon Negotiations of 1605,” in Leadership in Times of Crisis, ed. Moisés Orfali, Bar-Ilan Studies in History 5 (Ramat Gan, Israel: Bar-Ilan University Press, 2004), 48.
2 Pero Roiz Soares, Memorial de Pero Roiz Soares, ed. M. Lopes de Almeida (Coimbra, Portugal: Acta Universitatis Conimbrigensis, 1953), 393–395.
3 Jorge Peixoto, “Aspectos do ‘Memorial’ (1565-1628) de Pero Roiz Soares” [Aspects of Pero Roiz Soares’s “Memorial” (1565-1628)], Revista de História 7, no. 15 (1953): 393–395.
4 Stuczynski, “New Christian Political Leadership in Times of Crisis,” 56.
5 J. I. Pulido Serrano, “Perdoni Generali” [General pardons], in Dizionario storico dell’Inquisizione [Historical dictionary of the Inquisition], vol. 3, ed. Adriano Prosperi (Pisa: Scuola Normale Superiore, 2010), 1190; Stuczynski, “New Christian Political Leadership in Times of Crisis,” 49.
6 Soares, Memorial, 393.
7 Stuart B. Schwartz, All Can Be Saved: Religious Tolerance and Salvation in the Iberian Atlantic World (New Haven, CT: Yale University, 2008), 101.
8 Soares, Memorial, 394–395.
9 To obtain Spanish citizenship, applicants are required, in addition to proving their Sephardi ancestry, to pass two examinations: one in Spanish language proficiency and another attesting to “the knowledge of the Spanish Constitution and the social and cultural reality of Spain.” Portugal requires no language or citizenship exams. See “Bill Granting the Spanish Citizenship to Sephardic Jews with Spanish Origins,” accessed August 15, 2016, http://www.exteriores.gob.es/Consulados/JERUSALEN/es/Documents/BILL%20GRANTING%20SPANISH%20CITIZENSHIP%20TO%20SEPHARDIC%20JEWS%20%20Jerusalem.pdf; and “Sephardic Jews Citizenship Law Office Portugal,” accessed August 15, 2016, http://www.sephardicjewsportugal.com/.
- + About the Author
-
Not much is known about the identity of Pero Roiz Soares. In all likelihood the author wrote his memoirs—which cover the period between 1565 and 1628—under a pseudonym. This is not surprising, since the volume is highly political and does not shy away from critiquing the governing authorities of his time, including past and present kings.*
*Jorge Peixoto, “Aspectos do ‘Memorial’ (1565-1628) de Pero Roiz Soares” [Aspects of Pero Roiz Soares’s “Memorial” (1565-1628)], Revista de História 7, no. 15 (1953): 393–395.
- + Analysis
-
A Pardon of a Different Kind
by Nathalie Alyon
More than a century after the 1497 forced conversion of Portuguese Jews, the true faith of the New Christians, or conversos, continued to be questioned by inquisitorial offices and the general public. Perceived as members of a specific nation (homens da nação, or “men of the nation”), they faced discriminatory measures, and accusations of heresy were not uncommon. Despite these hurdles in integrating into the Lusitanian Old Christian community, conversos managed not only to establish strong financial networks within and without the Iberian Peninsula but also to use their economic and communal networks to obtain political gains vis-à-vis the Crown.
One of the ways the converso community’s political power manifested is revealed through the various negotiations for a general pardon that their leaders conducted with the Iberian monarchies over a period of 150 years.1 Granted by the pope, general pardons aimed to erase crimes of heresy attributed to New Christians, suspending penalties imposed by the Inquisition, which at times included the freeing of prisoners, and the lifting of bans on travel or trade in exchange for large sums of money. Seen as concessions to a questionable community frequently accused of being heretical “Judaizers” and socioeconomic parvenus, such pardons were scarcely popular.
One particular general pardon—that of 1605, during the reign of Habsburg King Philip II of Portugal (Philip III of Spain)—roused significant opposition and is the topic of the following satirical poem, “Dialogue between the Hermit and Anton,” found in Memorial de Pero Roiz Soares (Memoirs of Pero Roiz Soares).2 Written in an archaic, hybrid form of Spanish and Portuguese, the dialogue provides a glimpse of the contemporary popular reactions to the pardon.
Not much is known about the identity of Pero Roiz Soares. In all likelihood the author wrote his memoirs—which cover the period between 1565 and 1628—under a pseudonym. This is not surprising, since the volume is highly political and does not shy away from critiquing the governing authorities of his time, including past and present kings.3
During the period leading up to the 1605 general pardon, the monarchy was in dire need of cash, in part to secure its trade route to India. Previous concessions to the conversos—such as the right to leave the country—had been obtained in exchange for pecuniary “services” to the Crown before King Philip II turned to Pope Clement IV to enact the pardon in 1604, despite strong opposition from Portugal’s official clergy and the general public.4 In return for amnesty from the Inquisition, the New Christians paid a sum of 1,700,000 cruzados, collected from all Portuguese conversos as a mandatory proportional tax, the finta do perdão. Different expressions of hostility broke out in Coimbra, as prisoners were freed despite violent protests and hostility.5
Attacking the converso community served as a legitimate channel through which the people of the time could voice criticism against their rulers. Even though this satirical poem might be read primarily as an attack on the New Christians, Soares’s critique barely elaborates on the crimes of those whose “clothing is Christian, but the bodies underneath are Jewish.”6 He is not interested in entering a debate on whether or not the Inquisition was acting against sincere Catholics, as the conversos claimed. Rather, evoking the archetypal image of Judas Iscariot, he focuses on the hypocrisy of the political and religious establishment in pardoning the conversos, emphasizing the corruption of those involved in the pardon negotiations—namely, King Phillip II and the Duke of Lerma, the king’s minister.
As this document also reveals, the debate over the true faith and identity of the New Christians of Portugal was as much a question of political and economic considerations as it was a question of religion.7 Questioning the logic that could render possible the idea of forgiving religious sins in exchange for temporal gifts, Soares finds it absurd that politics dictate religious doctrine.
Indeed, he finds the crimes of those Christians that grant pardon for sins not atoned even greater than those of common criminals:
There is no reason that among us
we name the worse sinner
the one who sins against man
than the one who sins against God.8
The 1605 general pardon and the reactions it instigated also reveal the political and logistical power of the New Christian leadership—an aspect often overlooked in the historiography of this group. This translation complements this issue of JLS by positing the “real” identity of the conversos as a political rather than a religious issue.
Reveling in the political nature of an ancient general pardon demands the mention of a different kind of “pardon” that is taking place with respect to the descendants of Iberian Jews today in the twenty-first century—this time, from the Iberian democratic governments as part of a conscious policy of memory reconciliation. In 2015, Spain and Portugal ratified bills to grant citizenship to the descendants of Iberian Jews who were forced to flee the peninsula centuries before. Since then, thousands of Sephardi Jews have applied for citizenship, particularly to Portugal, where the bureaucratic process is simpler than in Spain.9
While some see this move as a call for historical repentance to right an ancient wrong, others view it as a political move to attract desirable immigration and foreign capital to countries facing economic problems. The expulsion had created two sets of victims: the conversos and those who fled their homes in order to continue to be Jews. The converso leaders who negotiated for the general pardons did not and could not ask to return to Judaism; rather, they petitioned to become fully integrated into the Christian community as Portuguese Catholics and were, in a sense, “pardoned.” Many among the “men of the nation” were indeed committed Christians. For those who fled and remained Jews, a different kind of pardon has arrived five hundred years later.
Nathalie Alyon
Notes
1 Claude B. Stuczynski, “New Christian Political Leadership in Times of Crisis: The Pardon Negotiations of 1605,” in Leadership in Times of Crisis, ed. Moisés Orfali, Bar-Ilan Studies in History 5 (Ramat Gan, Israel: Bar-Ilan University Press, 2004), 48.
2 Pero Roiz Soares, Memorial de Pero Roiz Soares, ed. M. Lopes de Almeida (Coimbra, Portugal: Acta Universitatis Conimbrigensis, 1953), 393–395.
3 Jorge Peixoto, “Aspectos do ‘Memorial’ (1565-1628) de Pero Roiz Soares” [Aspects of Pero Roiz Soares’s “Memorial” (1565-1628)], Revista de História 7, no. 15 (1953): 393–395.
4 Stuczynski, “New Christian Political Leadership in Times of Crisis,” 56.
5 J. I. Pulido Serrano, “Perdoni Generali” [General pardons], in Dizionario storico dell’Inquisizione [Historical dictionary of the Inquisition], vol. 3, ed. Adriano Prosperi (Pisa: Scuola Normale Superiore, 2010), 1190; Stuczynski, “New Christian Political Leadership in Times of Crisis,” 49.
6 Soares, Memorial, 393.
7 Stuart B. Schwartz, All Can Be Saved: Religious Tolerance and Salvation in the Iberian Atlantic World (New Haven, CT: Yale University, 2008), 101.
8 Soares, Memorial, 394–395.
9 To obtain Spanish citizenship, applicants are required, in addition to proving their Sephardi ancestry, to pass two examinations: one in Spanish language proficiency and another attesting to “the knowledge of the Spanish Constitution and the social and cultural reality of Spain.” Portugal requires no language or citizenship exams. See “Bill Granting the Spanish Citizenship to Sephardic Jews with Spanish Origins,” accessed August 15, 2016, http://www.exteriores.gob.es/Consulados/JERUSALEN/es/Documents/BILL%20GRANTING%20SPANISH%20CITIZENSHIP%20TO%20SEPHARDIC%20JEWS%20%20Jerusalem.pdf; and “Sephardic Jews Citizenship Law Office Portugal,” accessed August 15, 2016, http://www.sephardicjewsportugal.com/.
Dialogue between the Hermit and Anton
From Memorial de Pero Roiz Soares
Translated by Paulo Moreira
Hermit: Where are you coming from, Anton,
thus afflicted and so full of sorrow?
Anton: I come from yonder, from a village
where all is now about forgiveness.
Hermit: And is it possible to believe
that this has shaken you so much?
Anton: Yes, because pardoning evildoers
is telling them to continue to do so.
Hermit: Don’t you see that the one on the raised cross
had mercy and forgave?
Anton: Yes, but he pardoned a thief
who lived no longer.
Hermit: Of the divine clemency,
pardons are the very portrait.
Anton: Yes, but to pardon the ungrateful
is not to pardon but to approve.
Hermit: Surely well said, my friend,
and I attest you are right.
Anton: Granting a pardon never turned good
those who were evil, even when punished.
Hermit: Tell me then with no further ado
about those who have been exonerated.
Anton: Their clothing is Christian,
but the bodies underneath are Jewish.
Hermit: God help us! To have forgiven
evils so expeditiously.
While sins roam around free,
their punishments are tied.
Anton: And what is the reason?
The interests of the king
and the vice-king and many others,
for they release Barabbas,
and God will die once again.
As they then release with a pardon
such evil-minded Jews
and in their now-vacant places
they will put Christ on the cross.
Hermit: But do tell me how extraordinary
are the interests and money?
Anton: They make a vice-king from masons1
and release the condemned ones.
Hermit: And the vice-king, tell me, brother Anton,
why was he so of these arts?
Anton: Because he was part of this
and being a villain was enough.
Hermit: Be content with the best
even if it is not what it seems.
Anton: If it is good, you deserve it;
if it is not, forgive it.
And, if it is but nonsense
these flighty confusions of mine,
may it be that Christians deserve as well
what the Jews deserve.
There is no reason that among us
we name the worse sinner
the one who sins against man
than the one who sins against God.
Forgive me for such a basket
in which patience lacks,
the tongue is the shotgun,
and reason is the powder.
And, if my guilt is larger
than this one, which has been forgiven,
kill me, for the person I am
may die, but not my honor.
Because at the sight of my evil
and at the sight of its cause
I shall die as the Baptist
for nothing else but for telling the truth.
But leaving these troubles behind,
goodbye, Father.
Hermit: Goodbye, brother.
That God may keep us in his hands
and forgive us these forgivings.
Notes
1 Editor’s Note: This line alludes to the origins of the vice-king and general inquisitor, D. Pedro
de Castilho (governing twice as vice-king in 1605–1608 and 1612–1614). He was the son of the
master mason Diogo de Castilho, who was ennobled by King John III. Ana Isabel López-Salazar
Codes, Inquisición y política: el gobierno del Santo Oficio en el Portugal de los Austrias, 1578-1653
(Lisbon: Centro de Estudos de História Religiosa, Universidade Católica Portuguesa, 2011), 42.
Referring to this dialogue, Pero Roiz Soares explains: “In order to understand these composed
poems it is necessary to know that it was owing to public fame that this vice-king, Dom Pedro de
Castilho, was made vice-king and general inquisitor in order to accept, sign, and not contradict
the pardon.” Pero Roiz Soares, Memorial, ed. M. Lopes de Almeida (Coimbra, Portugal: Acta
Universitatis Conimbrigensis, 1953), 395, quotation translated by Claude Stuczynski.
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